ABC of Antisemitism

The handbook “ABC of Antisemitism” offers everything you need to know about contemporary antisemitism in one place. It is the first information resource of its kind in the Republic of Serbia, intended primarily for professionals in the media, the culture of remembrance, and education.

Created specifically for audiences in Serbia and the Western Balkans, “ABC of Antisemitism” highlights regional characteristics, common misconceptions, and local educational needs. Although relevant to any society, key sections reflect the specific Serbian context.

*Disclaimer: The original Serbian text was translated using an automated AI translator.

Author: Miško Stanišić; Expert advisors: Dr Aleksandar Stojanović and Nevena Bajalica;
Download the PDF edition of the handbook. You can receive a printed edition by mail for the cost of delivery.

Foreword

Antisemitism is present in all European societies, including ours—in some places more, in others less, sometimes more openly, sometimes more rarely. This, unfortunately, is not unusual. For centuries, antisemitism has been woven into the ideologies and worldviews that have shaped our understanding of the world and the society in which we live. Thus, even today, when we are aware of how toxic and dangerous it is, it remains part of the subconscious and resides in the dark corners of the European cultural identity. As in other countries, in the Republic of Serbia, various manifestations of antisemitism and antisemitic attitudes can be found across the entire social and political spectrum: from the radical political left, through the center, to the extreme right. We can hear it wrapped in pro-Russian and anti-EU propaganda. It sometimes surfaces in discussions in the media with national broadcasting licenses, just as it occasionally “slips through” in opposition media. We find it hidden behind political propaganda, manipulation, and the abuse of Holocaust history. It is glimpsed behind nationalist clichés and warnings that we are “under threat.” We hear it in everyday casual conversations over afternoon coffee, in passing, at the workplace, on the bus. We sometimes find it even in the classroom—spoken by a history teacher in person. We see it on walls covered in graffiti and in marker scribbles in the elevator. We can also find it in some bookstores, on shelves among books for sale. It is difficult to avoid on social networks. If we look a little closer and more honestly into the darkness, we might even find it within ourselves.

To counter antisemitism, we must first be able to recognize it. And to identify it, we must have some basic knowledge of what antisemitism is and how it is manifested.

When our colleagues from the NGO Haver Serbia in Belgrade were the target of a crude antisemitic attack on November 7, 2023, I sincerely (and naively) thought that the public in the Republic of Serbia would be appalled by the writing on the wall in front of their premises: “Haver get out of Serbia.” I was sure that the media, non-governmental organizations, and the civil sector, as well as state institutions—including the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights, the Ministry of Education, not to mention the police and the prosecution—would react vehemently and strongly, not only condemning this shameful antisemitic act but also initiating a whole series of measures and activities. I thought that the perpetrators would be quickly identified and brought to justice, that institutions would initiate prevention and education measures, and that we would be better prepared so that it would not happen again.
Instead, there was silence. That silence stunned me more than the attack itself. The fact that there are those who would write “Haver get out of Serbia” is terrible, but imaginable. However, it is devastating that, in principle, our entire society, at least so it seems, does not care at all.

The few statements issued and the very limited space given to this incident in the media and public sphere were neither nearly sufficient nor proportional.

On the contrary, on social networks, the attackers—though hidden behind avatars and without revealing their true identities—openly gloated, shared photos of their “successful action,” mocked, and continued to repeat antisemitic hate speech. The vast majority of comments under their posts were positive and affirmative. The small number of those who expressed criticism were buried by dozens of others who insulted or ridiculed them.

When I wrote a critical post about all this on LinkedIn, a network for professionals where one writes without the comfort of anonymity, the discussion that developed under my post completely shocked me. Dozens and dozens of people, all with their full names, job titles, and the names of the companies where they work, wrote antisemitic statements quite comfortably and without the slightest hesitation in their comments, without shame or fear of consequences. Besides insults and threats directed at me, the “discussion” that developed there ranged from ignorance to prejudice, through lies to myths, from one crazier conspiracy theory to another, to explanations of who Jews “actually” are, which wealthy Jew has more power than another and actually rules the world, how “Jewish Nazism is the worst,” whether Hitler was a Jew or just a Khazar and a Mason, and which Jews are “good” and which are “part of a renegade tribe.” I simply could not distinguish what was an expression of hatred and what was total misinformation—or both. The level of ignorance was shocking, as was the fact that participants did not hesitate to say such things publicly, with their full identity, because, obviously, they either believe that all of it is true and part of generally accepted opinion, or they think there is no danger of any consequences for them—neither legal, nor moral, nor professional (because I thought someone would hesitate to write such things at least out of consideration that a potential employer or business partner might find it tomorrow).

In these discussions, I noticed that some participants interpret the warning that antisemitism exists in our society and the call for a systemic fight against it as some kind of “accusation” against the Republic of Serbia or the Serbian people, which is a completely unfounded and wrong perception; then some of them react passionately and aggressively, with insults and threats. Opposing the discrimination of citizens from minority communities is a sign of the strength and responsibility of the state and society—something that serves us all with honor, not shame.

It is important to emphasize that, in addition to civil society initiatives in this field, there are also positive examples and tendencies of institutional work. The Republic of Serbia is a member of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), where it actively participates in the work of the Committee on Antisemitism and Holocaust Denial. The Government of the Republic of Serbia adopted the International Alliance’s Working Definition of Antisemitism on February 26, 2020, which is an important first step and a prerequisite for further work. In Novi Sad, a city Council for the Prevention of Antisemitism was established, which is a positive example that other cities and municipalities should follow. Despite this, some long-term, effective, and systemic strategies for combating antisemitism are still lacking.

In the meantime, a series of new antisemitic incidents occurred, the most terrible of which was certainly the one in which the attacker—a radicalized Islamist who attacked a gendarme guarding the Israeli Embassy in Belgrade—was killed. The attacker, a Serbian citizen, had previously scouted potential targets: the Belgrade synagogue Sukat Shalom and the Jewish Community building in Kralja Petra Street, before finally choosing the Israeli Embassy—which shows that the targets of the attack were Jews, any Jews, not specifically Israel. This time, too, there was a lack of unambiguous labeling of the attack as antisemitic by the public and officials. There was talk of terrorism, but the word antisemitism was not spoken.

The silence following the attack on Haver Serbia, the reactions on social networks that followed, as well as the lack of institutional measures and long-term strategies for countering antisemitism—together with an insufficient understanding that such measures are necessary—led me to think about how we could simply and quickly contribute to starting to change this situation in the Republic of Serbia for the better.

Thus was born the realization that it would be useful to have a reference source with at least the most basic information on fundamental concepts and the most common questions or misconceptions related to antisemitism. This resource would have to be written in simple language, in brief points, to inform primarily those who shape public opinion and the understanding of antisemitism, such as media professionals, actors in the culture of remembrance, educators, policymakers, and decision-makers. Such a reference document would also be available to all others who care about a society built on the values of human dignity, the rule of law, pluralism, and tolerance, and who would like to broaden their horizons and think about how they themselves could contribute to recognizing and countering antisemitism and other forms of intolerance, discrimination, and hatred in time.

The result of this idea is the ABCs of Antisemitism—a collection of 26 sections with brief explanations of basic questions and concepts regarding antisemitism.

I invite the media, educational and cultural workers, and decision-makers to use the ABCs of Antisemitism as a reference for finding answers about antisemitism, for responsible reporting, teaching, and formulating policies related to countering this centuries-old hatred.

Miško Stanišić
Director of Terraforming, President of the Center for Combating Antisemitism (CBA), and member of the delegation of the Republic of Serbia to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA)

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1. Who are the Jews?

Jews are a heterogeneous ethnic community linked by a certain sense of collective Jewish identity. Just as with other peoples, the sense of identification and belonging to the Jewish community is individual and can be based on very different elements: from upbringing, culture, and tradition, a sense of connection with relatives and the local community, shared historical experiences, to religious, spiritual, or philosophical motives.

Among Jews, more than 3,500 years ago, the first monotheistic religion—Judaism—emerged. At the end of the second millennium BCE, Jews founded their state in the area of Israel or Palestine, but the Romans destroyed it in the 1st and 2nd centuries CE, which began the Jewish diaspora—the expulsion of Jews from their land and their dispersal around the world. Since then, Jews have lived for centuries in different parts of the world, across Europe, through the Middle East and North Africa, North and South America, to South Africa and Australia. Because of this, Jewish culture and identity encompass elements of various cultures, languages, and traditions, and conversely, they have left a mark in many countries. Throughout history, Jews have made significant contributions to world culture, science, art, and philosophy.

Just as is the case with other nations or ethnic groups, for some, the sense of belonging to the Jewish people is a key element, while for others, it is a less significant or only marginal element of identity. A personal sense of belonging or identification with a nation or an ethnic or religious group can depend on the situation and can be more or less relevant and important in different contexts and times.

For those Jews who are religious, the shared religion—Judaism—is one of the important factors of identity. For those who are secular, important carriers of Jewish identity can be culture, tradition, customs, awareness of origin, and ties with immediate and extended family.

For many Jews, a shared past is a significant part of their identity. This includes centuries of historical experiences of discrimination, persecution, and pogroms, but also survival, resourcefulness, resistance, and success.

An important element of collective identity for many Jews is the experience of the Holocaust—the attempt to exterminate the entire Jewish people during the Nazi era. For some Jews living in the State of Israel, Israel represents one of the unifying factors of national identity.

But, apart from the common and touching points that contribute to a certain sense of collective Jewish identity, regardless of whether they live in the same country or in different countries around the world, Jews have the most diverse political, economic, cultural, and even religious and other views, attitudes, and interests, and in that sense, they are a very diverse group—just like most other peoples.

2. What is antisemitism?

Antisemitism is a specific form of hatred directed at Jews based on deeply rooted prejudices, stereotypes, and lies. Antisemitism can be directed at Jews as a group or as individuals, the Jewish community, institutions, and organizations, but also at non-Jews. Antisemitism is the oldest form of hatred in history that is still widespread and current. Antisemitism permeates European history and is embedded in European cultural heritage and identity. It is present today throughout the world, including in Serbia.

Antisemitism is a form of xenophobia and racism that can be most simply defined as hatred toward Jews. Antisemitism is always based on prejudices, stereotypes, forgeries, lies, and myths. Antisemitism is sometimes directed at non-Jews—individuals, groups, or organizations that antisemites consider Jewish or identify and associate with Jews even if they are not. It can focus on hatred toward individuals—ordinary citizens or famous and public figures, toward the ethnic and cultural identification of Jews, toward Judaism as a religion, toward the State of Israel as a symbol of the Jewish collective, toward real or imagined Jewish institutions and organizations, and even toward political, scientific, philosophical, and other views, movements, and ideas, regardless of whether they objectively have anything to do with Jews or not.

3. Antisemitism is the "canary in the coal mine"

The appearance of antisemitism signals social problems and indicates a threat to the basic rights and freedoms not only of the Jewish community but of all citizens and society as a whole. The presence and prevalence of antisemitism is an indicator of a broader social crisis, and the society’s attitude toward antisemitism is a measure of the threat to or the strength of pluralism and the democratic order in any society.

The term “canary in the coal mine” is used to describe antisemitism as an indicator of a broader social crisis. In the past, miners used canaries to detect the presence of toxic gases—if the bird died, it was a sign that the miners were in danger. Analogously, antisemitism often appears as the first sign that other freedoms and rights in society are under threat. When antisemitism becomes visible in society, it can be an indicator that other minority groups are also at risk. The fight against antisemitism is not just a fight for Jews, but also for the preservation of basic human rights and democratic values. Historically, societies that tolerated or supported antisemitism often slid into authoritarianism, violence, and oppression. Therefore, suppressing antisemitism is vital for preserving pluralism and the democratic order in every society.

4. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Definition of Antisemitism

The non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), adopted in 2016, has established itself as the most important globally accepted document relied upon by governments, parliaments, international bodies, institutions, sports federations, universities, civil society, business entities, and many others to understand and identify antisemitism, and to create strategies and guidelines for the fight against antisemitism. By July 2024, the definition had been adopted or endorsed by the parliaments and governments of over 45 countries, including the Government of the Republic of Serbia by a decision on February 26, 2020.

With 35 full member countries, including the Republic of Serbia since 2011, and permanent partner organizations including the United Nations, UNESCO, OSCE, the Council of Europe, and the European Union, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) is the most important intergovernmental organization and international authority when it comes to identifying challenges, creating trends, and formulating and implementing policies, guidelines, and recommendations in the field of the culture of remembrance of the Holocaust and the fight against antisemitism.

The non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) was adopted in 2016. Since then, it has become the most important globally accepted document relied upon by governments, parliaments, international bodies, institutions, sports federations, universities, civil society, and many others to understand and identify antisemitism. The definition has been adopted or endorsed by parliaments and governments in over 45 countries, including the Government of the Republic of Serbia, which confirmed the non-legally binding working definition of antisemitism on February 26, 2020, by a decision at a Government session. Thus, in the Republic of Serbia as well, this document should be the basis for creating policies and guidelines for identifying and combating antisemitism, as well as strategies for improving the knowledge and professional capacities of relevant professionals and actors, such as public administration, the judiciary, the police, journalists, and workers in education, culture, and others.

The definition is available in its entirety on the website of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), including the translation into Serbian. It states: “Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.”

It further states the following: “Manifestations might include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity. However, criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic. Antisemitism frequently charges Jews with conspiring to harm humanity, and it is often used to blame Jews for ‘why things go wrong.’ It is expressed in speech, writing, visual forms and action, and employs sinister stereotypes and negative character traits.”

The text continues by offering a series of contemporary examples of antisemitism in public life, the media, schools, the workplace, and in the religious sphere. Read it on the IHRA website:

IHRA website

5. The term "antisemitism"

Although the thesis of “Semitic peoples” as a racist concept is outdated in contemporary science, and the word “antisemitism” itself was created as an expression of hatred toward Jews, the term “antisemitism” has remained to this day and denotes a specific form of hatred directed toward Jews. The term “antisemitism,” since it was coined, refers exclusively to Jews. It has never had other meanings. The theses that antisemitism as a term refers or can refer to other peoples or groups besides Jews are incorrect and unfounded.

The concept of “Semitic peoples” in a racial context appeared as early as the 1770s. At the beginning of the 20th century, pseudo-science based on racist worldviews promoted the thesis of “Semitic peoples” as a special ethnic, cultural, and racial category that would include Arabs, Jews, Phoenicians, and other peoples. The concept of “Semites” or “Semitic peoples” is today outdated and rejected in contemporary science, and is no longer used except in linguistics, where it denotes a group of languages we call “Semitic languages.”

The term “antisemitism” was coined and popularized by the German journalist and politician Wilhelm Marr at the end of the 19th century. Marr was a self-avowed hater of Jews and a fierce opponent of the emancipation of Jews and other minority groups into modern German society. With the term “antisemitism,” he wanted to emphasize hostility toward Jews based on their ethnic origin, and not just religion. In 1879, Marr also founded the Antisemites’ League—the first German organization dedicated specifically to fighting the alleged “danger” that Jews posed to German society. Thus, the term “antisemitism” itself arose as an expression of animosity toward Jews, that is—the form of hatred we call antisemitism today.

6. How is antisemitism expressed?

Antisemitism can manifest in many ways and in different forms: from subtle antisemitic allusions, discrimination, the spread of antisemitic conspiracy theories, and threats, to physical violence. Every manifestation of antisemitism is toxic and unacceptable, even in cases where the act of antisemitism takes place where there are no Jews.

Antisemitism is expressed and can be found in all forms and formats of human communication and interaction and in all spheres of life: through “jokes,” via indirect or open verbal attacks and accusations, through graffiti on the streets, caricatures, and internet “memes,” by desecrating or destroying Jewish symbols and objects, through Holocaust denial and distortion, anonymous or open threats to Jewish individuals, the community, or institutions, all the way to violence, pogroms, and murder.

Antisemitism can be manifested openly and directly, targeted at a specific victim—whether Jewish individuals, ordinary citizens, or famous public figures, or toward the Jewish community or institutions. In that case, antisemitism is expressed precisely with the intention of exposing the victim to aggression, putting them in an uncomfortable situation, hurting, insulting, humiliating, upsetting, and frightening them. But antisemitism is also expressed in contexts where there are no Jews present, so there is seemingly no direct victim. It is important to emphasize that even in such a case, it is an antisemitic incident, because every manifestation of antisemitism is toxic and unacceptable.

Antisemitism can be expressed through political, economic, and social conspiracy theories. It can be recognized in the political views of the far left and right, and is often clearly evident on banners, flags, symbols, and slogans during demonstrations by those organizations. It is present in football stadiums in the chanting of certain fan groups. It can be recognized in the views of some religious officials or in religious propaganda, among both Christians and Muslims. Antisemitism is particularly dangerous when it is abused by groups that, hiding behind the screen of faith, actually work on radicalization and the recruitment of terrorists. Antisemitism can also be present in education, in schools and universities, among teachers and professors, in textbooks and teaching materials, as well as among pupils and students.

Antisemitism often manifests through indirect allusions in everyday conversations, and it is also present in popular culture and quasi-scientific literature. It is massively present in the digital sphere: on social networks, various websites, and internet portals. It can also be found in some games. It is frequently distributed through posts on networks, “comments” on posts and articles, through audio and video podcasts, and other digital formats.

Antisemitism is often expressed through “coded” language, without Jews being mentioned directly and openly, through indirect allusions. Thus, for example, mentions are made of “globalists,” “wealthy families who rule the world,” “Khazars,” “Masons,” “Zionists,” “those behind the deep state,” “the powerful who really manage world monetary policy/the stock market/the media,” and the like.

7. How are victims of antisemitism affected?

Antisemitism leaves severe consequences for victims who often feel isolated, helpless, and left to their own devices. Insults, harassment, humiliation, threats, and the feeling that their safety is threatened make the victim of antisemitism very vulnerable. The existence of latent or open antisemitism in society often leads the victim to hide their Jewish identity. Antisemitism leaves psychological and emotional consequences that can be transmitted from generation to generation.

Antisemitism has deep psychological and social consequences for its victims. People exposed to antisemitism often feel the need to hide their identity for fear of discrimination or violence. A sense of insecurity can lead to isolation, anxiety, and depression. Antisemitism affects not only individuals but entire families and communities, which face vandalism, attacks on synagogues, and other forms of violence. Long-term consequences of antisemitism include social marginalization and the weakening of a shared identity.

Victims of antisemitism often, in order not to “expose” their Jewish origin or belonging to the Jewish community, hesitate to express their opinion, avoid socializing with other Jews, do not observe Jewish holidays, and do not practice their culture and customs. In extreme cases, under continuous stress and pressure, victims may decide to emigrate as a final act in the hope that elsewhere they will be protected and enjoy the same freedoms and rights as all other citizens.

When young people are witnesses or targets of antisemitism in their communities, they can feel particularly humiliated, frightened, and vulnerable.

8. Who are the antisemites?

As the oldest form of hatred, antisemitism has for centuries been widespread and rooted in the pores of European identity, culture, and various segments of society. Therefore, antisemitism can still be found today in all parts of society—among the rich and poor, men and women, old and young, highly educated and uneducated. Antisemites are individuals or groups who express hatred toward Jews and everything they consider “Jewish” or associate with Jews, whether for political, cultural, religious, nationalist, or racist motives, and sometimes as a result of misinformation. Regardless of the motives, all forms of antisemitism are unacceptable not only because they threaten the Jewish community but also basic civic and democratic values, and thus all citizens.

Antisemitism is often associated with radical right-wing or left-wing ideologies, or religious extremism. Some antisemites are open and clearly express animosity toward Jews, while some are more subtle, such as some contemporary political or social movements that discreetly use antisemitic rhetoric. However, it is important to understand that antisemites are not only followers of fascism or jihadists, as many think, but are also among quite ordinary people in our surroundings. Antisemites can be individuals from different social strata and ideological backgrounds—from open extremists and inveterate haters to ordinary people who are misled by stereotypes and conspiracy theories.

Sometimes people are not aware of their prejudices, nor that their statements and actions deeply offend and seriously endanger individuals and the Jewish community. In this way, they participate in the promotion and spread of antisemitic stereotypes, lies, and conspiracy theories without realizing to what extent their actions directly affect people in their immediate environment—fellow citizens, neighbors, colleagues at work or school, even personal friends. But, unfortunately, there are also those who are quite aware that they are spreading hatred and do not care about the consequences. When it comes to groups and organizations that promote antisemitism, they are always deeply aware of what they are doing and what the consequences of their actions are.

9. Antisemitism through history

The characteristics and manifestations of antisemitism have changed over time, adapting to different cultural, religious, and political contexts. One of the basic specificities of antisemitism is precisely its persistence and ability to transform and adapt to new social situations in different periods. Although it has changed throughout history, antisemitism has always been based on old and well-known myths and stereotypes that only changed form, but not essence. We can define several of the most characteristic forms of antisemitism through history:

Christian antisemitism,
Traditional antisemitism,
Racial antisemitism,
Nazi antisemitism,
Contemporary antisemitism.

Antisemitism has evolved over the centuries, shaped by various cultural, religious, and political factors:

Historical aspects of antisemitism reflect the persistence and adaptability of antisemitism in different periods and contexts, and its deep rootedness in cultural, religious, and political systems. From early Christian antisemitism to Nazism and contemporary forms of this hatred, antisemitism remains a powerful and dangerous force. Understanding the historical context and its evolution is key to fighting contemporary manifestations of antisemitism.

10. Antisemitism in Serbia

Although Jews are an integral part of Serbian history and culture, antisemitism has been present in Serbia in various forms. Between the two world wars, right-wing and pro-fascist movements in Serbia propagated antisemitic ideas. After the war and the enormous suffering of Jews in the Holocaust, antisemitism was present in less obvious forms, but it has strengthened again since the 1990s. Contemporary antisemitism in Serbia is found in various forms of xenophobia toward minority groups in society; it is present in pro-Russian and anti-European propaganda, various conspiracy theories, and manifests through the abuse and manipulation of Holocaust history, anti-Israeli, but also traditional antisemitism, and is often linked to nationalist narratives. The carriers of antisemitism in Serbia today are various anti-democratic forces, right-wing and left-wing extremists, radical Islamists, but also ordinary citizens, many of whom are not even aware that they are expressing and spreading antisemitic views, which makes the problem more complex.

In the period between the two world wars, as in other parts of Europe, antisemitism inspired by racist ideas and a fascist political worldview appeared in Serbia. During the Second World War, the occupying authorities were assisted by Nedić’s Government of National Salvation, the Ljotićevci, the gendarmerie, and the special police, as well as part of the Chetnik movement, in spreading antisemitic propaganda, identifying, arresting, detaining, and mass destroying Jews in Serbia.

Over the last thirty years, since the wars of the 1990s, antisemitism has been more present in Serbian society. Contemporary antisemitism in Serbia occurs in the broader context of radicalization, intolerance, xenophobia, and racism, which follows a pattern of expressing intolerance, often open hatred toward various minority groups, the “other” and the different.
Antisemitic literature is available in bookstores in Serbia. Hundreds of antisemitic titles have been published by various publishing houses, both new “works” by Serbian authors and reprints of works by Serbian collaborators and proven antisemites from the Nazi era.

Certain tabloids occasionally publish antisemitic texts or texts by authors who can be linked to antisemitism. Some television stations in Serbia, even some of those with a national broadcasting license, from time to time bring guests into their programs who express antisemitic views and propaganda, and it also happens that they broadcast openly antisemitic reports produced in other countries or taken directly from controversial and racist YouTube channels.

Social networks in Serbia, just as in other countries, are the primary source for spreading antisemitic propaganda. On popular networks, various groups and individuals from time to time publish antisemitic content. Some of such content originated abroad and is shared without translation into Serbian, some is translated and adapted, and some is produced in Serbia.

Contemporary antisemitism among right-wing organizations in Serbia is characterized by the celebration and promotion of the rehabilitation of Serbian fascists and collaborators such as Milan Nedić or Dimitrije Ljotić. Some right-wing organizations that represent significant carriers of antisemitism in today’s Serbia draw inspiration from the work and personality of Nikolaj Velimirović. Among left-wing organizations in Serbia, antisemitism associated with opposition to globalism, imperialism, and capitalism is characteristic, which they link to old antisemitic myths about “world Jewish power and conspiracy.” For leftists, masking anti-Jewish propaganda behind alleged criticism of Israel is also characteristic. In Serbia, there are also radicalized Islamist groups that, among others, have antisemitic goals. All these groups carry out various actions that are often colored by antisemitism, from demonstrations to writing graffiti, attacks on Jewish property and institutions—such as the attack on the premises of the NGO Haver in December 2023—and even to terrorism, such as the case of the attack on the Israeli embassy in Belgrade in July 2024.

However, ordinary citizens who do not belong to extreme political and radicalized groups also participate in the spread and promotion of antisemitic ideas and propaganda, sometimes consciously, and sometimes as a consequence of ignorance and misinformation.

Antisemitism typically appeared and spread in our society during times of crisis and insecurity. In the context of the NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, it was common to question the “loyalty” of the Serbian Jewish community, which was accused of complicity in the NATO aggression or of “not doing enough to prevent it” – which was also based on the myth of “world Jewish power.” During the COVID-19 pandemic, some conspiracy theories accused Jews of creating and spreading the infection, and Dr. Predrag Kon was particularly targeted with antisemitic insults and accusations.

The focus on the comparative suffering of the Jewish and Serbian people, characteristic of Serbian nationalist discourse on Serbian martyrdom, is often expressed through the distortion and abuse of history for nationalist propaganda and the spread of fear and hatred. Such narratives are also underpinned by antisemitic stereotypes.

In the Republic of Serbia, there are no developed mechanisms for reporting antisemitic incidents, for monitoring and tracking antisemitism, nor is there a national strategy or action plan for countering antisemitism, making it very difficult to objectively monitor the state of antisemitism in our society.

11. Stereotypical "Traits" of Jews

For centuries, and still today, prejudices and beliefs about certain stereotypical, most often negative, characteristics supposedly “typical of Jews” persist in many societies. These stereotypes are often contradictory. In everyday conversations, newspaper articles, literature, theatrical and film works, popular culture, and through memes on social media, Jews are often portrayed as cunning, insidious, fickle, greedy, immoral, disloyal, and hostile towards all non-Jews and followers of other religions. At the same time, certain alleged physical characteristics are attributed to them, such as shorter stature, large nose, hunched posture, a “bloodthirsty” gaze, prominent, thick and often long beards, long gnarled fingers, and similar.

These prejudices are present today, even in our society, in the broadest public discourse: in culture, politics, in jokes, discussions and analyses in the media, in overt or discreet anti-Jewish propaganda, and even in schools.

Any attribution of a set of common traits to all members of an entire people, especially when that people, as is the case with Jews, lives dispersed throughout the world, deeply integrated into various local cultures and nations, is clearly completely meaningless and unfounded. In the case of Jews, prejudices about “characteristic Jewish traits” have for centuries served as justification for discrimination, segregation, and violence.

The belief that all Jews, regardless of their origin, culture, and society to which they belong, possess certain (most often) negative character traits, goes deep into the past.

In addition to the already mentioned “bad moral and personal characteristics” attributed to them, Jews are often visually represented with pronounced details related to certain segments of Jewish religion and tradition, especially Hasidic (Orthodox currents in Judaism). They are depicted wearing black coats, white shirts, with long beards and specific hats, from under which peyot (curly sideburns) protrude. In other cases, David’s stars are prominently seen on necklaces, badges, and other places. In reality, Jewish tradition is extremely diverse, and there are a large number of groups among religious Jews who adhere to and follow completely different dress codes and appearances, just as there is a huge number of those who are secular or express their religious customs very discreetly.

Sometimes Jews are depicted as wealthy industrialists or bankers, fat people with exaggeratedly large stomachs in expensive suits and hats. Recently, Jews in drawings and memes are often depicted with drawn knives or other weapons, or with bloody hands, or other ways are used to emphasize their bloodthirstiness and criminal character.

Many of these “traits” attributed to Jews are contradictory. For example, on the one hand, Jews are presented as ugly, dirty, and disgusting, and on the other, as seducers who sexually exploit young non-Jewish women.

In the 19th and 20th centuries, pseudoscientific racial theories introduced “biological” clichés into the antisemitic image of Jews, and political propaganda transformed it into caricatures, illustrations in children’s books and textbooks, posters, and other formats for spreading hatred. Nazi propaganda specifically built the image of the “dangerous” and “parasitic” Jew through stereotypes.

The same visual clichés are recycled today in internet memes, and stereotypical traits of Jews continue to be reproduced. The form is more modern, but the function is the same: normalization of hatred and dehumanization.

Unfortunately, even today, the same and similar patterns appear in various forms, while the essence remains the same, based on prejudice, stereotypes, lies, and generalization. All these generalizations are not a reflection of facts, but a result of prejudices that have for centuries served to dehumanize Jews and justify hatred. Therefore, it is important to recognize and reject these clichés in everyday speech, media, education, and politics, because they are not harmless patterns, but the driving fuel of antisemitism.

12. How to Recognize Antisemitism? The 3Ds: Delegitimization, Demonization, and Double Standards

The 3D methodology provides a clear framework for identifying antisemitism, especially in the context of criticism of Israel, but also in other cases involving manifestations of antisemitism towards Jewish (and non-Jewish) individuals, communities, institutions, and organizations. This methodology helps distinguish legitimate criticism from antisemitism, which can be disguised and subtle. The name “3D” refers to three key elements: Delegitimization, Demonization, and Double Standards. When analyzing various situations to define whether it is antisemitism or legitimate criticism, the following questions are asked: Is the right to exist denied only to Israel or also to other states? Is the criticism based on evidence and facts, or on stereotypes and emotions that demonize the Jewish people or the State of Israel? Is Israel treated by the same standards as other states in similar circumstances?

Applying the 3D methodology (Delegitimization, Demonization, Double Standards) in practice provides a structured approach to recognizing antisemitism. This methodology for identifying antisemitism was developed by Natan Sharansky, a former Soviet dissident and human rights activist.

1. Delegitimization

Delegitimization is recognized when Israel’s right to exist as a sovereign state is denied. This goes beyond criticism of specific political decisions and challenges the fundamental right of the Israeli people to self-determination. In practice, this can manifest through: statements that the founding of Israel was a historical “mistake”; that the State of Israel has no right to defend itself; political initiatives aimed at abolishing the State of Israel; academic or cultural campaigns promoting the idea that Israel’s existence is “illegitimate”; etc.

Applying the 3D methodology involves asking the question: Is the right to exist denied only to Israel or also to other states?

2. Demonization

Demonization involves portraying Israel, or Jews in general (individuals, groups, communities, institutions) as inherently evil or destructive. This is recognized through: comparisons of Israel to Nazi Germany; media reporting that conveys false or distorted stories with the aim of presenting Israel, or Jews, as a global threat; public demonstrations that use offensive symbols or caricatures with antisemitic stereotypes; spreading disinformation aimed at portraying Israel as an immoral state; etc. Such rhetoric crosses the boundaries of legitimate criticism, as it is not directed at specific policies or actions, but creates a negative stereotype about the entire Jewish people, citizens of Israel, and/or the State of Israel.

The 3D methodology here examines: Is the criticism based on evidence and facts, or on stereotypes and emotions that demonize the Jewish people or the State of Israel?

3. Double Standards

The application of double standards implies criticizing Israel for actions for which other states are not subjected to the same condemnation. For example, when Israel is accused of human rights violations while similar actions by other countries are ignored or minimized, this indicates bias. This approach further emphasizes antisemitism when the only Jewish state is the target of disproportionate attention and condemnation. This can manifest through: disproportionate criticism of Israel compared to other states with similar or more severe human rights violations; media and political campaigns that criticize Israeli actions while ignoring similar actions in conflicts worldwide; academic boycotts targeting Israeli scientists and universities, while simultaneously collaborating with institutions from countries where human and civil rights are demonstrably violated or various crimes are committed; etc.

The practical application of the methodology here focuses on the question: Is Israel treated by the same standards as other states in similar circumstances?

Conclusion

The 3D methodology does not serve to silence criticism of Israeli policy, but to clarify when that criticism crosses into antisemitism. The key difference lies in intent and manner of expression. Criticism of Israel is legitimate as long as it does not challenge its right to exist, does not demonize the state and its people, and does not use double standards. This methodology provides an important tool for recognizing antisemitism and promotes a fair and balanced approach in public discourse.

13. Conspiracy Theories

Conspiracy theories are narratives that claim various important events or social, and even natural phenomena are secretly orchestrated and carried out by usually small, exclusive, but powerful groups acting in a coordinated and hidden manner. They typically offer no credible, verifiable evidence and possess a so-called self-sealing logic: any evidence to the contrary is interpreted as part of the alleged cover-up.

On the one hand, contemporary antisemitism largely has a conspiratorial basis and is often expressed through various forms of conspiracy theories. On the other hand, antisemitic attitudes are strongly embedded in most current conspiracy theories, even those dealing with entirely diverse phenomena and topics unrelated to Jews.

Conspiracy theories are most often based on prejudices, stereotypical representations, emotional reactions, and unreliable and unconvincing evidence. Despite this, conspiracy theories are popular and widespread throughout the world, including in Serbia.

Conspiracy theories usually explain an event, situation, or process by the actions of secret, powerful, and malicious actors, driven by their own interests to the detriment of others (often — “all of humanity”). Conspiracy theories often offer a single comprehensive cause for complex phenomena, with a pronounced distrust of official or expert findings, which practically makes it impossible to verify or refute the claim with facts.

In the information age, the mass use of the internet and social networks has contributed to the rapid spread of such narratives: from “flat Earth,” through the “great replacement” (a theory about a deliberate demographic change), the “deep state” (an alleged network of powerful individuals operating in parallel structures of the state apparatus outside democratic control), various stories about the causes and development of the COVID-19 pandemic, to interpretations of major disasters, assassinations, and technological changes as part of a unified plan.

Antisemitic conspiracy theories have deep historical roots — from attributing collective guilt to Jews for the death of Jesus Christ, through narratives about an alliance of Jews and Masons with the aim of “overthrowing Christian civilization” and nation-states, to the key role such myths played in shaping the worldview of Nazism.

Contemporary antisemitism largely rests on conspiracy theories. This includes stories about “globalists,” the “deep state,” or the “world financial lobby.” These narratives are mostly just new packaging for old antisemitic myths. A good example is the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” (an antisemitic forgery from 1903) which, although proven to be a forgery, were used as a propaganda tool and “proof” for the demonization of Jews, with tragic consequences in the 20th century. The “Protocols” still circulate as “proof” that Jews allegedly control world events and can still be bought in Serbian bookstores today.

14. Coded Language of Antisemitism

Some antisemites are aware of the legal punishability and moral condemnation that expressing antisemitic views in public entails. In an effort to avoid sanctions and moral condemnation, but also to more easily reach a wider audience and disseminate their ideas to more people, antisemites often use coded language, employing symbols, metaphors, allegories, allusions (hidden references), and specific terms and expressions. With a little more attention, it can be deciphered that they are actually talking about Jews and expressing anti-Jewish views and propaganda.

Furthermore, within neo-Nazi and racist circles, specific abbreviations, words, punctuation marks, and numbers are used that have coded meanings in the context of expressing antisemitism.

Words and phrases that appear to be general concepts have entered everyday discourse, but in context, they function as coded, clearly antisemitic allusions.

Some examples of such allusions that in context actually mean “Jews” or “Jewish influence” are “globalists,” “world elite,” “cosmopolitans,” “world financial lobby,” “bankers,” “media moguls,” “Zionists” (when used as a general label for all Jews), “Israeli lobby” (when it actually means “Jews in general”), “Rothschilds,” “Soros” (when an individual or a single family is cited as a cover for “all Jews”), or “Hollywood machinery” (in the context of narratives about Jewish control of culture), and similar.

In the same way, various dehumanizing and demonizing metaphors are used through expressions such as: “This plague is spreading…”, “scourge”, “tumor”, “parasites”, “leeches”, “octopus” with “tentacles” (a metaphor for a “world octopus” that encompasses everything), “multi-headed hydra” (constantly “regrows” and is impossible to eradicate), “spider web”, “snake pit”, “grey eminence from the shadows” (in narratives about “secret governance”). Although Jews are not mentioned directly here, the message in context with the rest of the content is quite clear. These metaphors are sometimes used for other groups as well, so it is important to discern what is being referred to through the context of the rest of the content.

The purpose of using coded antisemitic language is to normalize and spread anti-Jewish messages through the guise of “allusion” instead of explicit statements, while simultaneously creating space to maintain the possibility of denial (“we didn’t say that, we didn’t mention Jews!”).

In practice, these codes often go hand in hand with hate speech, relativization or denial of the Holocaust, as well as calls for violence. Understanding the origin and function of codes is important for analyzing contemporary antisemitism.

The coded language of antisemitism has spread more widely since the late 20th century: first through graffiti, fanzines, and propaganda material of neo-Nazi and other racist and extremist groups, and then, with the development of the internet, through chats, forums, blogs, memes, and comments on social networks. Various numbers have become recognizable antisemitic codes (for example, the number 88 is understood as an abbreviation for the Nazi salute “Heil Hitler!”). Using multiple parentheses in a specific way, antisemites on networks mark allegedly “Jewish” individuals or topics (the so-called “echo”: “(((…)))”). The purpose of such coding is to avoid sanctions and moderation, and to make messages recognizable to those in the know.

Understanding these codes helps to timely recognize and prevent antisemitic messages, and also to comprehend the persistence and presence of antisemitism in our daily lives.

15. Antisemitism and the Internet

The internet expands opportunities for access to knowledge and learning, but at the same time, it also enables the rapid spread of false information, antisemitic hate speech, and digital violence (violence in the digital environment). Simultaneously, the internet offers tools for distributing quality educational material, fact-checking, and reporting hate speech.

The key lies in developing media and digital literacy, recognizing patterns of antisemitic propaganda, and creating tools and practices for timely response to harmful content and digital violence.

As a global network, the internet allows access to a vast amount of data of varying quality and credibility and instantaneous exchange of information and opinions, so antisemitic narratives are no longer based exclusively on local circumstances, tradition, culture, and the socio-political situation in the local environment, but acquire a global character. Anonymity, algorithmic recommendations (content suggestions based on user behavior), and the sheer volume of comments facilitate the normalization of intolerance, hate speech, prejudice, and conspiracy theories. Hidden behind avatars and usernames, antisemites recruit like-minded individuals, organize in closed groups, recycle memes, and, if necessary, use coded language to avoid moderation.

Online antisemitism appears in various forms, in posts, blogs, and podcasts. These include open insults and threats, memes and jokes, pseudo-analyses based on conspiracy theories, revisionist or denialist content, as well as coordinated campaigns targeting individuals or institutions. Comments below news articles and social media posts have become one of the most widespread channels for spreading antisemitic messages. Although website and platform moderators often remove such posts, it is important to note that not all channels are moderated, and coded language is increasingly used to conceal the antisemitic nature of messages. Especially after major events (wars, terrorist attacks, political and economic crises), a sharp increase in anti-Jewish comments and content is always observed. In the Republic of Serbia, a significant rise in antisemitic content related to the COVID pandemic and after the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, was evident.

Research indicates that antisemitic memes, coded humor, and the glorification of Nazism normalize the distortion of Holocaust history and can encourage radicalization and violence. Therefore, it is crucial to build media, information, and digital literacy so that users can evaluate content and resist manipulation. The engagement of platforms and regulators is very important, as is obliging content creators and responsible companies, alongside moderation and control of problematic content, to place fact-checking labels and refer to verified and authoritative sources of data and information, in order to debunk antisemitic propaganda and Holocaust distortion with facts. In the Republic of Serbia, there are currently no central authoritative resources of this kind. The website AboutHolocaust.org (an educational site developed by UNESCO and the World Jewish Congress – WJC) is also available in Serbian and provides verifiable facts about the Holocaust and materials for combating denial and distortion of Holocaust history online. A good source is also the Holocaust Encyclopedia of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). When it comes to antisemitism, for now the only guide in Serbian is “ABC of Antisemitism”.

Useful practices also include consistent documentation and reporting of problematic content, monitoring and documenting antisemitic incidents online, and providing support to victims. In the Republic of Serbia, there are currently no specialized tools for reporting, monitoring, and documenting such incidents. In schools and cultural institutions, it is recommended to combine Holocaust education with training on recognizing contemporary online patterns of hatred and media literacy.

It is necessary to carefully balance freedom of expression and restrictions on hate speech, which requires a strong and functional rule of law, the building of coalitions of various actors (including civil society and the Jewish community), and investment in digital citizenship and “digital hygiene.” In this context, the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism is important, as it provides a framework for understanding and recognizing antisemitism and distinguishing what must be accepted as part of pluralistic debate and critical thinking from where freedom of expression ends and crosses into antisemitic hate speech.

16. Antisemitism and Israel

The establishment of the State of Israel (1948) and conflicts in the Middle East are often used as a pretext to impose responsibility on all Jews for the real or imagined actions of the State of Israel or individual politicians or other representatives of Israel.

It is legitimate to criticize the decisions, statements, or actions of official bodies and representatives of the State of Israel, just as it applies to the policies and politicians of any other state. Antisemitism begins where double standards are applied to the State of Israel, when Jews are denied the right to self-determination, Israel is denied the right to exist, or calls are made for its destruction, or where classic antisemitic myths and symbols are used in discourse about Israel.

Negative generalization and demonization of any entire people is always an expression of hatred. It is particularly dangerous when criticism of Israel is expressed through insults, threats, and violence against local Jewish communities.

In the Ottoman era, there was no single administrative unit under one name that encompassed the territory of present-day Israel. The British, upon establishing administration in 1917, used the name “Palestine,” in Arabic “Filastin,” and in Hebrew official inscriptions “Eretz-Yisrael” (Hebrew: “Land of Israel”).

Organized Jewish settlement in this territory began in 1882, while it was part of the Ottoman Empire. Settlement occurred in immigration waves called “aliyot” (Hebrew: “aliyah”). The first Jewish refugees arrived partly after pogroms in the Russian Empire, and partly from other parts of Europe, as part of the awakening of the Jewish national movement — Zionism, when the idea of creating a national homeland for Jews was articulated. Settlement continued after the establishment of British rule in 1917 and significantly intensified in the 1930s, with the rise of Nazism, when many Jews fled Europe. After the Holocaust, in which six million Jews were murdered and Jewish life in Europe was almost destroyed, hundreds of thousands of survivors and refugees immigrated, seeking security and rebuilding their lives.

Israel was officially founded in 1948 as the national state of the Jews. Even after its establishment, a large number of Jews from various parts of the world immigrated to Israel. Over the following decades, Israel fought several wars with neighboring Arab states (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, etc.). In the propaganda of certain states and actors in the region, as well as in Iran, not only is the policy of the State of Israel often criticized, but Jews as a people are targeted, stereotypes and prejudices are reproduced, the Holocaust is relativized or denied, and calls for the destruction of Jews are made. In such environments, conspiratorial antisemitism is widespread, and pamphlets like the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” (an antisemitic forgery) are treated as historical literature and distributed to a wide audience.

It is particularly problematic when criticism of Israel or Israeli policy escalates into insults, threats, or verbal and physical attacks on local Jewish communities in other countries, individuals, institutions, representatives, places of worship, or the property of the community or individuals, as well as on other institutions and organizations that are for some reason considered “Jewish” or are associated with Jews even if they are not. Such phenomena, which also occur in the Republic of Serbia, are always an expression of antisemitism.

In Europe, North America, and other parts of the world, manifestations of antisemitism are widespread within segments of the political left, crossing the boundaries of acceptable criticism of Israel and escalating into the demonization of the entire Jewish people, even to calls for the destruction of Israel and Israelis, as well as attacks on local Jewish communities in those countries. Such forms of antisemitism are often present at pro-Palestinian protests at universities in the US and other countries, including the harassment of Jewish students, professors, and other staff.

In practice, the difference between legitimate criticism of Israel and antisemitism is seen through several indicators. Disagreement and criticism of a specific measure, statement, or action of a politician or state body, military or police action, are perfectly acceptable if the same criteria are applied to other states. The problem arises when: (1) Israel is subjected to demands that are not made of anyone else (double standards), (2) the right of Jews to a national state is questioned (delegitimization), or (3) terminology is used that dehumanizes Jews or the State of Israel (demonization).

A special form of antisemitism is the comparison of Israel or Israelis with Nazis and Nazism, which is done with the intention of insulting and emotionally harming all Jews, and humiliating victims and relativizing and diminishing the Holocaust itself.

When it comes to antisemitism related to Israel or criticism of Israel, it has been shown that good practice for media, schools, and cultural institutions is to use precise terminology and contextualize concepts to avoid imprecise and misused qualifications, strictly separate political actors from religious-ethnic communities, and insist on verified information.

17. Antisemitism and Zionism

Zionism, as a movement for the right of Jews to their national identity and homeland, is sometimes the target of criticism that crosses into antisemitism. Rhetoric that challenges the right of Jews to self-determination and their own state is always an expression of antisemitism. Zionism is often wrongly and maliciously presented as an expansionist, imperialist, or racist ideology, sometimes intentionally, out of purely antisemitic motives, and sometimes out of ignorance and lack of information.

Zionism is a political and national movement that emerged in the late 19th century with the goal of creating a national homeland for Jews. The movement was a response to rising antisemitism and persecution of Jews in Europe, as well as aspirations for Jewish national identity and independence at a time when other European nations were building their nations and statehood. Throughout history, Zionism has met with various reactions among Jews, from enthusiasm to opposition. With the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the primary goal was fulfilled, but the movement remains present as a political force, both within Israel and in Jewish communities worldwide, the vast majority of whom support the idea that Jews also have the right to self-determination, national identity, and a state. Today, some Jews view Zionism as an expression of support for Israel’s right to exist as a state, while for others it can mean working to preserve Jewish identity and culture.

18. Antisemitism and the Holocaust

The Holocaust, the genocide perpetrated by the Nazis and their collaborators against Jews (1933–1945), in which approximately six million Jews were murdered, represents the most extreme expression of antisemitism in history. Antisemitism was the foundation of Nazi ideology and state policy, shaping German war aims and encouraging the active participation of other fascist, ultranationalist, and collaborationist regimes across Europe in the Holocaust.

The Holocaust demonstrates that antisemitism as a state ideology is in direct opposition to democracy, the rule of law, and human dignity. Therefore, the fight against contemporary antisemitism is simultaneously a fight for the preservation of the fundamental democratic values of society as a whole, and not just the rights of the Jewish community. Deepening knowledge about the Holocaust is important, but not sufficient for understanding and suppressing contemporary antisemitism. A specific strategy for combating antisemitism in the Republic of Serbia currently does not exist.

The Holocaust was a systematic and state-sponsored persecution and murder of Jews, committed by Nazi Germany and its collaborators between 1933 and 1945. This genocide, in which six million Jews were murdered, was the most extreme expression of antisemitism in history.

Nazi ideology was racist, antisemitic, and ultranationalist. The Nazis mobilized centuries-old prejudices against Jews to normalize exclusion and persecution and, for the first time in history, introduced antisemitism as the basis of a racially founded state ideology.

As a totalitarian regime, Nazi Germany permeated the entire public sphere with antisemitism. The Ministry of Propaganda controlled film, press, and culture. Youth and professional movements, labor organizations, schools, and other educational institutions were entirely in the service of ideological homogenization and propaganda.

Antisemitism was the foundation of the Nazi worldview and German state policy: from the boycott of Jewish shops and book burnings, through legal segregation via the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, which legally defined “who is a Jew,” stripped them of civil rights, prohibited mixed marriages, and introduced other measures. This made hatred of Jews an organizing principle not only of internal order but also of war aims, paving the way for systematic, state-sponsored persecution and murder, from Kristallnacht to the “Final Solution” across the European continent.

The Holocaust took place in the context of broader wartime violence in which many other victim groups also suffered, and with the active participation of other fascist, ultranationalist, and collaborationist governments and movements across Europe, who, for various motives of their own, among which antisemitism held a significant place, chose to participate in the crime or to carry it out on their own initiative without direct Nazi involvement. Furthermore, the Holocaust unfolded before the eyes of millions of fellow citizens, passive observers of the crime.

Antisemitism could not transition from the sphere of prejudice to become a pillar of state ideology and the top priority of a world war until democratic values and civil rights were gradually dismantled, through a series of legal measures and propaganda, which allowed hatred to become normative, and discrimination and violence acceptable. The Holocaust under Nazism demonstrated that antisemitism is the antithesis of democracy and Enlightenment ideals that place reason, human dignity, and universal rights at the center of social order. Therefore, today, the fight against contemporary antisemitism is simultaneously a fight for the protection of fundamental societal values.

It is important to emphasize that in contemporary society, commemoration and education about the Holocaust are not sufficient measures for understanding antisemitism in modern society. Remembering the Holocaust and countering antisemitism are two separate topics, which partially overlap and it is important to know one to better understand the other, but they are not interchangeable. It is necessary to develop specific measures and long-term strategies to strengthen capacities for recognizing and resisting antisemitism. It is essential to develop professional development programs for decision-makers and policymakers, educators, cultural workers, journalists, public sector employees, police and judiciary, and others, and to introduce this topic into school curricula for young people.

In 2021, the European Union adopted the “EU Strategy on Combating Antisemitism and Fostering Jewish Life 2021–2030”. It specifies “Preventing and combating all forms of antisemitism” on the one hand, and “Education, research and remembrance of the Holocaust” on the other, as separate but necessary pillars of this strategy. To date, 23 member states have developed specific national programs to combat antisemitism. The strategy requires the development of national action plans and regular monitoring of implementation. In the Republic of Serbia, there is currently no strategic plan for countering antisemitism. The Center for Combating Antisemitism and Intolerance (CBA) was founded with the aim of initiating work on such a national strategy.

19. Antisemitism and the Abuse and Distortion of Holocaust History

Holocaust distortion is a phenomenon based on the misuse of history, not denying that the Holocaust happened, but using only a portion of the facts, taking events out of context, manipulating conclusions and interpretations of historical facts “to produce a past that is politically and socially more convenient and useful.” Holocaust distortion threatens democracy, normalizes antisemitism, and encourages extremism, and often serves as a tool for rehabilitating ideologies of hatred and individuals or groups of perpetrators. Some characteristic forms of Holocaust distortion include relativization, instrumentalization, and the abuse of the Holocaust for the promotion of nationalist and populist propaganda. Every distortion of the Holocaust is, at its core, a manifestation of antisemitism.

Holocaust denial refers to discourse and propaganda that denies the historical reality and scope of the crimes against Jews during the Holocaust, including the mechanisms of destruction (gas chambers, mass shootings, ghettos, deportations, etc.) and the genocidal intent to annihilate Jews. In simple terms, Holocaust denial is the claim that the Holocaust never happened, or that it was much smaller in scale, or that it was allegedly falsely exaggerated so that “Jews could benefit from it.” Today, such phenomena are increasingly rare, primarily because the Holocaust has been meticulously researched, and it is difficult to take seriously arguments that it did not happen at all.

Today, Holocaust distortion is the greatest contemporary threat to the legacy of the Holocaust. Holocaust distortion is a phenomenon based on the misuse and usurpation of historical facts, not denying that the Holocaust happened, but using only a portion of the facts, taking events out of context, manipulating conclusions and interpretations of historical facts, “to produce a past that is politically and socially more convenient and useful,” as Professor Yehuda Bauer states. Holocaust distortion refers to justifying, minimizing, exaggerating, or any other misrepresentation of known historical facts about the Holocaust. Holocaust distortion threatens democracy, normalizes antisemitism, and encourages extremism, and often serves as a tool for rehabilitating ideologies of hatred and individuals or groups of perpetrators. Some characteristic forms of Holocaust distortion include relativization, instrumentalization, and the abuse of the Holocaust for the promotion of nationalist and populist propaganda.

Relativization implies comparing the Holocaust with other events that do not reach the same scale of systematic genocide. For example, comparing pandemics, political conflicts, or individual tragedies with the Holocaust leads to the trivialization of this crime. This diminishes the seriousness of the Holocaust and spreads misinformation about its causes and consequences.

Instrumentalization of the Holocaust is the abuse of history used as a tool in political conflicts, where symbols of the Holocaust are used to discredit political opponents. Instrumentalization includes rhetoric in which dissenters are compared to Nazis or Hitler, or other criminals, which trivializes the genocide and uses it for political manipulation.

The abuse of the Holocaust for the promotion of nationalist and populist propaganda involves using the Holocaust to promote ideas of national suffering and moral superiority. Political elites, especially in populist and nationalist regimes, often position their own people as the exclusive victims, while ignoring the suffering of others as well as the participation of their own people’s representatives in crimes and collaboration. By using the suffering during the Holocaust to create an image of their own people as righteous and innocent, while simultaneously ignoring responsibility for other historical crimes, they emphasize their “moral superiority,” while accusing other nations or political opponents of responsibility for the Holocaust and other crimes that occurred during the Holocaust, primarily to avoid introspection or the question of their own responsibility and guilt. This form of abuse, which is often encountered in Serbia, deepens ethnic and political divisions, fosters a climate of aggressive nationalism, inflames hatred towards others, and undermines the universal message of the Holocaust about the dangers of intolerance and extremism.

Distortion, misuse, and manipulation of the history and legacy of the Holocaust under the auspices of the state and state policy is widespread across Europe. These phenomena may, among other things, include:

Denying or minimizing national and social responsibility for crimes against Jews or for collaboration with German Nazis and other perpetrators;
Rejecting one’s own responsibility while accusing other nations and groups of crimes;
Restricting academic and public debate on the history of the Holocaust through legislation and sanctions;
Political interference in the accurate representation of history in museums, exhibitions, textbooks, as well as at historical sites and commemorative events;
Rejecting the significance of Holocaust remembrance, monuments, or authentic Holocaust sites;
Glorifying, honoring, justifying, or “rehabilitating” historical figures from the Holocaust era, despite their connection to crimes, collaboration with Nazi Germany, or direct participation in the persecution and killing of Jews;

The Government of the Republic of Serbia has officially adopted the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of Holocaust denial and distortion.

Every instance of Holocaust denial and distortion is at its core a direct expression of antisemitism and undermines the understanding of the history of the Holocaust and its legacy. Such phenomena are either motivated by antisemitism or, even if inspired by other motives, have the indirect consequence of spreading and promoting antisemitism. Instead of the Holocaust being a universal warning against hatred, its distortion becomes a tool for deepening hatred and fueling conflict.

It is important to distinguish legitimate scholarly debate on details, using reliable sources and clear methodology, from attempts to prove that the crime “did not exist” or “was not that terrible.” Good practice in education and media involves working with primary sources (testimonies, documents, verdicts), critical reading, clearly naming denial and distortion, and empowering students and the audience to recognize manipulation. Holocaust distortion and denial not only insult the memory of the victims but also hurt their families and endanger contemporary communities by spreading antisemitism.

20. Antisemitism and the misuse of Nazi and fascist terms, images, and symbols

Antisemitic prejudice and hatred toward Jews were at the core of Nazi ideology and an important element of several fascist movements in Europe. It was precisely these ideas that led to the Holocaust. Invoking Nazi and fascist symbols, slogans, or gestures normalizes these ideologies, relativizes the Holocaust, and represents a recognized form of antisemitism. The affirmative use of Nazi and fascist terms, images, and symbols signifies identification or glorification and is punishable in many countries.

In the Republic of Serbia, there are also followers of fascist movements, and graffiti with fascist slogans and symbols can be found.

Racist views on the “Jewish danger,” Jews as “parasites,” and a “lower race” were one of the foundations of German Nazi propaganda and policies that led to genocide. These and similar antisemitic views were also present in a series of fascist and ultra-nationalist movements in various parts of Europe. Examples of such movements include the Ustaše movement, Dimitrije Ljotić’s Zbor, the Arrow Cross (a Hungarian pro-fascist, radical right-wing, and distinctly antisemitic party), and others. These movements are justifiably considered antisemitic, and their symbols and greetings (swastika, SS runes, the Nazi salute with a raised hand, the “Za dom spremni” greeting—an Ustaše salute from the NDH period, and similar) are inextricably linked to the persecution and genocide of Jews, as well as other victim groups.

Modern extremists and followers of these ideologies sometimes resort to coded versions of these symbols (numbers, acronyms, stylized versions of historical signs) to conceal the message or bypass bans. Any use of these symbols, even allegedly “just as a joke” or “ironically,” not only revives antisemitic content from the past but also intimidates today’s Jewish communities, insults the memory of Holocaust victims, encourages hatred, and contributes to the relativization of the Holocaust.

In the Republic of Serbia, there are also examples of movements that use fascist symbols and propagate the rehabilitation of war criminals, and graffiti with fascist symbols and slogans, such as the swastika or “judenfrei” (a Nazi term indicating that a territory has been “cleansed” of Jews, or in other words, that all Jews from a certain area have been deported to ghettos or camps, or already killed), can be found on our streets. The same patterns appear in the context of initiatives for the rehabilitation of war criminals and collaborators, attempting to justify ideologies and practices that were an integral part of the persecution of Jews.

In many countries, the public display of Nazi and fascist symbols is sanctioned by laws prohibiting hate speech and the incitement of violence. In the Republic of Serbia, there is a specific Law on the Prohibition of Manifestations of Neo-Nazi or Fascist Organizations and Associations and the Prohibition of the Use of Their Symbols and Insignia (Official Gazette of the RS 41/2009).

(See also segments 18. “Antisemitism and the Holocaust” and 14. “The Coded Language of Antisemitism”.)

21. Holocaust Memorialization and Education on Antisemitism

Remembering and learning about the Holocaust are important elements in understanding the dangers of antisemitism, but they are not sufficient and must not be treated as a substitute for learning and raising awareness about antisemitism. Similarly, specific educational programs on contemporary antisemitism must certainly touch upon the topic of the Holocaust, but they are not and cannot be a substitute for learning about the Holocaust. These two topics overlap in certain segments, but each requires a separate approach, as well as sufficient time and space for adequate processing in education, commemoration, and public discourse.

The Holocaust is the genocide of the Jews, systematically planned and carried out by German Nazis and their collaborators from 1933 to 1945 across Europe. We nurture the culture of Holocaust remembrance primarily out of reverence for the victims. To forget the murdered would practically mean that the Nazis succeeded in their intentions to completely destroy the Jews and erase all traces of their existence. In addition to preserving the memory of the victims, Holocaust memorialization serves as a warning to humanity and reminds us of the horrors that arise when hatred and prejudice prevail over basic human values. Therefore, the culture of Holocaust remembrance does not only serve to mark the past but also plays an important role in building a moral compass that prevents similar crimes from being repeated. Through remembrance, we learn empathy, the recognition of the dangers of discrimination, and the need for solidarity in protecting civil and human rights.

Holocaust memorialization plays a very important role in raising awareness about the danger of antisemitism—the hatred that formed the central pillar of Nazi ideology and directly led to the murder of six million Jews. Memorials, museums, and educational programs dedicated to the Holocaust remind us of the devastating consequences when society fails in the fight against prejudice and hatred. However, remembrance of the Holocaust alone is not enough to understand and combat antisemitism in a contemporary context. The Holocaust is a specific example of historical antisemitism, but hatred toward Jews neither began with the arrival of the Nazis nor disappeared in 1945 with their defeat. On the contrary, antisemitism is very much present today; in recent years, it has been steadily rising and taking on new forms, such as conspiracy theories, Holocaust distortion, the demonization of Israel, or online hatred.

Therefore, it is necessary to combine the study of history with contemporary education that recognizes and addresses antisemitism in all its forms. Memorialization can be a starting point, or one part of the process of raising awareness and deepening knowledge, but it must be expanded to targeted activities that empower individuals to recognize antisemitism today and fight against this type of hatred in their society. Only such an approach creates the prerequisites for the lasting relevance of Holocaust remembrance and the sustainable building of resistance to antisemitism today and in the future.

See also: 18. Antisemitism and the Holocaust; 19. Antisemitism and the Misuse and Distortion of Holocaust History; 24. Antisemitism after October 7; 26. What Can I Do?; 4. International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Definition of Antisemitism.

22. Antisemitism and Nationalism

Nationalism is a set of ideas and political practices based on the view that the political community should coincide with the nation. In practice, there are different forms of nationalism: from civic nationalism, based on citizenship and equal rights, to ethnic and exclusive nationalism, based on origin, religion, or “blood and soil” (German: Blut und Boden, originally a Nazi slogan, later present in extremist circles). Antisemitism is particularly intensified in exclusive, homogenizing versions of nationalism, in which narratives about the “internal enemy,” the “fifth column,” the “dual loyalty” of Jews, or “world lobbies” are spread.

Patriotism and legitimate concern for the public interest are part of civic and social engagement. The problem arises when Jews are collectively labeled as a threat, deprived of equal rights, or when, as a minority community, they become hostages to the autocracy of political power-holders.

Modern political antisemitism formed in the 19th century, parallel to the rise of modern nations and national movements. In moments of crisis (economic, political, war), exclusive nationalism often seeks a “scapegoat.” In this context, Jews were accused of “dual loyalty,” “undermining the nation,” or “controlling finance and media.” In the mid-to-late 19th century, this grew into political campaigns (e.g., the Dreyfus Affair in France), and in the 20th century, nationalisms and fascism in several countries turned anti-Jewish narratives into law, repression, and violence. The Nazi concept of a “people’s community” without Jews (Volksgemeinschaft) was an extreme expression of the fusion of aggressive nationalism and antisemitism, with a genocidal outcome.

In our regional history, there were movements and regimes that built nationalism on an antisemitic worldview (e.g., the Ustaše movement, Dimitrije Ljotić’s Zbor, the Arrow Cross in Hungary). Today, phenomena of historical revisionism and attempts to rehabilitate collaborators, which also mean the relativization of the persecution of Jews, are often linked to the glorification of a “pure nation.”

In contemporary discourse, national-populist narratives sometimes combine antisemitic tropes with anti-immigrant and anti-universalist messages. There is talk of “globalists” and “world networks” that allegedly “impose migration” or “destroy national identity.”

In nationalist autocracies and in illiberal or hybrid democracies, where civil rights, the rule of law, media freedom, and the regularity of elections are threatened, minority rights are, as a rule, seriously endangered. In such a situation, every minority community, including the Jewish one, is at risk. Without independent institutions that limit the power of the majority, the state is easily instrumentalized for homogenization and pressure. Minorities become hostages of political power-holders and often feel compelled to publicly support the government to maintain a minimum of security and access to resources. Then patterns appear such as “loyalty tests,” labeling minorities as a “fifth column,” selective application of laws (often through police and administrative pressure), financial punishment or rewarding of “suitable” organizations, media lynching and stigmatization campaigns, as well as the suppression of the autonomy of cultural and religious institutions. In such an environment, part of the minority elite is co-opted, and the wider community sends a signal of “preventive patriotism,” distancing itself from its own specificity and publicly expressing support for the government to avoid retaliation.

It is important to distinguish legitimate criticism of specific policies from narratives that demonize an entire group or deny Jews an equal place in society. Inclusive, civic patriotism that respects minority rights, pluralism, and the rule of law can strengthen the cohesion and security of the entire society. The protection of minorities is not an “optional extra” but an indicator of the state of democracy as a whole.

23. Antisemitism and Islamism

Islamism is a political ideology that sees Islam as a complete state-social order. One should distinguish Islamism as an ideology from Islam as a religion, as most Muslims are not Islamists. Antisemitism holds a significant place in some Islamist currents. This phenomenon is relatively new: it strengthened in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, during the weakening and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and gained institutional expression with the founding of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in 1928. After a series of turning points in the Middle East, from the founding of the State of Israel and the 1948 war, through the 1956 Suez Crisis, to the 1967 Six-Day War, some Islamist movements intensified antisemitic narratives, often combining selective religious interpretations with imported European antisemitism, and even Nazi ideas. In extreme organizations, antisemitism is open and explicit, as seen in the rhetoric of the Iranian regime, Hamas, ISIS, and Al-Qaeda, and in its extreme form, it is expressed through violence and terrorist attacks. At the same time, it is necessary to point out that part of the hostility toward Israel and Israeli policy, especially among Palestinians, is not always the result of hatred toward Jews, but stems from a political-national conflict.

Islamism or “political Islam” is a set of political ideologies and movements that believe Islam should shape public life, laws, and the state. Characteristic features include the demand that Sharia (Islamic law) be the foundation of legislation and the idea that the Islamic community should be politically organized, ranging from reforms within existing orders to the establishment of an Islamic state. These ideas are supported by various groups and organizations: from non-violent parties and social movements to jihadist organizations that use terror. It is important to emphasize that Islam as a religion and Islamism as a political ideology are not the same. Most Muslims are not Islamists.

In the Islamic world, in states with a majority or significant Muslim population, and among Muslims in general, antisemitism is a relatively new phenomenon that strengthened in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, alongside the weakening and collapse of the Ottoman Empire.

In the long history of Arab and Islamic societies, Muslims tolerated members of other religions. Jews lived among Muslims under conditions of legal inequality and paid special taxes (as did Christians), but pogroms and mass expulsions were rarer than in Christian Europe. After the expulsion from Spain in 1492, many exiled Jews found refuge in the Ottoman Empire.

A turning point occurred at the end of the 19th century when the Ottoman Empire weakened, while at the same time, Christians in waves of national movements sought expanded rights and independence. Jews also joined these movements, especially with the emergence of Zionism. The power and prestige of the Ottoman Empire, the last Muslim caliphate, gradually declined until the empire completely collapsed after World War I. At that moment, the Muslim world had no answer to the scientific, economic, and technological superiority of the West, and colonial administration and Western cultural dominance created a sense of identity crisis among Muslims. While the young Republic of Turkey secularized by removing the influence of religion on the state, certain religious leaders in the Islamic world claimed that the only answer to the crisis was a return to religion. Thus, in Egypt in 1928, the “Muslim Brotherhood” movement was founded with the aim of implementing an “Islamic reform” of society and the state through a return to religious norms and the gradual application of Sharia. Thus, Islamism, or political Islam, was born. (The Muslim Brotherhood would later become the ideological source for the creation of Hamas.)

In Islamism, as an ideology seeking a solution in a “return to religion,” antisemitism is increasingly emphasized. After a series of critical and traumatic events for the Muslim world (the founding of Israel and the defeat of Arab armies in 1948 and the displacement of a large number of Palestinians, the Suez Crisis in 1956 and the military intervention of Great Britain, France, and Israel against Egypt, the Six-Day War in 1967 and the swift and heavy defeat of Arab states when Israel occupied the Sinai, Gaza, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights), Islamism reinterprets the relationship between Islam and Judaism as an “eternal conflict” (which is historically inaccurate) and brings to the fore anti-Jewish religious quotes that were previously marginal, combining them with imported European, and even Nazi, antisemitic ideas (which was also influenced by the activities of the Mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, in Berlin during World War II, when he supported the Axis powers and broadcast antisemitic and anti-Allied propaganda on the radio in Arabic).

In extreme Islamist movements, antisemitism is manifested directly and very clearly. Iranian leader Ali Khamenei calls Israel a “cancerous tumor” that must “disappear.” The terrorist movement Hamas, even in its 1988 Charter, contains motifs taken directly from the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion.” ISIS and Al-Qaeda follow the same pattern of demonizing Jews as a “global enemy.” The official logo of the Houthis from Yemen contains the slogan: “God is the Greatest, Death to America, Death to Israel, A Curse Upon the Jews, Victory to Islam.” These are examples of open, explicit antisemitism, often violent rhetoric that normalizes hostility and legitimizes violence.

It is important to emphasize that antisemitism is not a “characteristic of Islam” or the Muslim world. In many countries around the world, Muslim and Jewish communities live in tolerance and without mutual friction. In many countries, these communities cooperate in the fields of fighting against racism, discrimination, and for the realization of minority rights. Many Muslims and Islamic institutions reject antisemitism. Among other things, Israel and several Arab states have signed peace and normalization agreements and have relatively good relations.

Also, it is important to emphasize that part of the hostility toward Israel and Israeli policy, especially among Palestinians, stems from a political-national conflict, and not necessarily from hatred toward Jews. Distinguishing between antisemitism and political dispute is crucial for an accurate and responsible approach to this topic.

In this context, the phenomenon of radicalization should also be mentioned. Radicalization is a process in which an individual gradually adopts an extremist ideology and justifies violence for political goals. For some Muslims, this can lead to the acceptance of Islamism, and in extreme cases, to jihadist violence.

In the Republic of Serbia, there are also cases of antisemitic incidents rooted in Islamism. An extreme example is the attack on the Israeli Embassy in Belgrade on June 29, 2024, when a radicalized attacker, Miloš (Salahudin) Žujović, a convert connected to Islamist circles, attempted to kill a member of the Gendarmerie working on embassy security. It was later announced that ISIS claimed responsibility for the attack in its bulletin. It was established that the attacker had previously scouted various potential targets for his attack, including the Belgrade synagogue Sukat Shalom and the Jewish Community building in Kralja Petra Street in Belgrade, from which it can be clearly concluded that his target was not “Israel” and state institutions, but Jews—either from the local Jewish community in Serbia or from Israel.

24. Antisemitism after October 7

The terrorist organization Hamas carried out surprise attacks in Israel on October 7, 2023. The victims were mostly Israeli civilians and young attendees of a music festival. About 1,200 people were killed, and 251 people were taken hostage to Gaza. A strong response by the Israeli armed forces in the Gaza Strip followed, with great destruction and civilian casualties. After October 7, a sharp increase in antisemitic incidents was recorded worldwide: attacks and threats, desecration of synagogues and monuments, targeting of Jewish pupils and students, online intimidation, and boycott campaigns. The rise in antisemitic incidents was also felt in Serbia.

One of the consequences of this crisis is that many Holocaust memorial centers and museums, institutions, organizations, and individuals involved in Holocaust studies and countering antisemitism receive threats and insults, monuments are damaged, and teachers increasingly hesitate to address topics about Jews and the Holocaust. Because of this, Holocaust education and public advocacy for the fight against antisemitism are particularly difficult in these circumstances. These phenomena were also condemned by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA).

On October 7, 2023, the Palestinian terrorist organization Hamas carried out surprise attacks on Israeli communities in the area of settlements along the border with the Gaza Strip. These were predominantly kibbutzim, small communities of cooperative tradition, as well as the cities of Sderot and Ofakim. Among the first targets was the music festival “Nova (Supernova) Sukkot Gathering,” which was attended by approximately 3,500 young people. The primary targets of the attack were unarmed civilians, people in their homes and workplaces, as well as festival attendees. On that occasion, about 1,200 people were killed, and 251 were kidnapped and taken into captivity in Gaza as hostages.

The response of the Israeli armed forces was a broad campaign in the Gaza Strip which, in addition to losses among Hamas members, was accompanied by great destruction of infrastructure and civilian casualties. Strong polarization followed in world public opinion and the media, with social networks becoming the main channel for spreading narratives and mobilizing protests. Already in the first hours and days after October 7, content was recorded in some media, and especially on social networks, that celebrated Hamas’s attack on Israeli civilians and commented on it with enthusiasm, long before the Israeli military reaction followed. Photos and videos of the abuse of captured and killed civilians, filmed by Hamas itself, were shared on networks and shown with approval and expressions of support.

In the weeks and months following October 7, historically high levels of antisemitic incidents were recorded in several countries: attacks and threats, desecration of synagogues, targeting of Jewish pupils and students, intimidation and online threats, boycott campaigns directed against businesses perceived as “Jewish,” as well as the marking and damaging of Jewish-owned residential and commercial properties. Particularly in one part of the political left, and especially the extreme left, a strong increase in manifestations of antisemitism occurred immediately after the attack. This was also the case in the Republic of Serbia. In Belgrade, pro-Palestinian graffiti appeared marking buildings owned by Jews, “Jewish” or Israeli companies, as well as a series of graffiti with antisemitic messages. One of the most serious incidents was the attack on the premises of the Haver Serbia organization in Belgrade, a Serbian Jewish non-governmental organization involved in promoting tolerance and Jewish culture. On that occasion, the walls were sprayed with red paint, and among other things, “Haver march out of Serbia” was written, which is particularly shameful. This was followed by open gloating and sharing of photos of this incident on social networks. The perpetrators were not held accountable, and the incident itself did not receive significant media attention nor did it meet with broad social condemnation.

As a consequence of the flare-up of conflict after October 7, a series of serious problems arose in the field of Holocaust education and the culture of remembrance, as well as the security of Jewish communities. Worldwide, numerous memorial centers, museums, organizations, and institutions involved with the Holocaust, and even Holocaust survivors, receive threats and insults, are exposed to boycotts, and Holocaust monuments are damaged and covered with graffiti and antisemitic messages. Holocaust education has therefore found itself in crisis. Some teachers hesitate to mention Jews and address topics related to the Holocaust. Calls for boycotts of Jewish cultural content are recorded, and Jewish communities worldwide are under growing pressure, exposed to incidents, insults, and various forms of intimidation. Mass demonstrations in support of Palestine have been organized, where content of an antisemitic nature often appears. Jewish students and professors at various universities are harassed and feel unsafe. In such circumstances, promoting the importance of the fight against antisemitism and organizing activities for education on antisemitism is particularly difficult. These phenomena were condemned by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA).

Legitimate criticism of the State of Israel and its policies is part of democratic debate. Antisemitism begins where double standards are applied, where Jews are held collectively responsible, where the right of the Jewish people to a national state is denied, or where slogans and symbols calling for the abolition of Israel as a state are used. Slogans like “From the River to the Sea,” which imply the abolition of Israel, cross the line of legitimate criticism and fall into rhetoric that delegitimizes the existence of the Jewish state. It is completely unacceptable to harass the local Jewish community under the guise of criticizing Israel.

(see also segments 13. “Conspiracy Theories”, 14. “The Coded Language of Antisemitism”, 15. “Antisemitism and the Internet”, and 16. “Antisemitism and Israel”.)

25. Antisemitism and Intersectionality

Intersectionality is an analytical framework that explains how different forms of oppression overlap and reinforce each other. It starts from the recognition of the multi-layered identities of individuals and communities. Applying an intersectional approach to the analysis of antisemitism shows that antisemitism often intersects with various other forms of hatred and xenophobia, such as racism, sexism and misogyny, homophobia, Islamophobia, antigypsyism, anti-immigrant attitudes, etc. This explains why a rise in antisemitic rhetoric often goes hand in hand with the growth of other forms of hatred. The intersectional approach helps us recognize the cumulative harm suffered by people at the intersection of multiple identities, to build coalitions based on solidarity, and to strengthen the common struggle for dignity, equality, tolerance, and civil rights.

Intersectionality is a term introduced as an analytical framework by legal theorist Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989 to describe how different forms of oppression (such as racism, sexism, and the like) overlap and create unique experiences of discrimination and privilege. Intersectionality has roots in Black feminist discussions of the 1970s, which pointed to the intersection of different forms of oppression, namely the struggle on two fronts: against sexism within the Civil Rights Movement and against racism within the women’s movement.

An intersectional approach to understanding antisemitism is essential because it recognizes the multi-layered identities of individuals and communities. Jews, like any other group, do not exist in a vacuum but belong to different social categories (such as race, gender, sexual orientation, class) that shape their experiences of discrimination and privilege.

Antisemitism does not just “appear” on its own, nor do other types of prejudice. A jump in antisemitic rhetoric often signals a rise in other forms of hatred—whether it be Islamophobia, antigypsyism, anti-immigrant sentiment, homophobia, or misogyny. All these forms of hatred have their specificities, but they share common narratives and methods: scapegoating, dehumanization, conspiracy theories, and the need to demonize the “other.”

This overlap is not accidental. If we want to effectively fight against antisemitism, we must recognize how it coexists with other forms of discrimination, show respect for different victims, and raise awareness about the connection between different forms of prejudice and xenophobia.

Viewing antisemitism through an intersectional lens illuminates the complexity of this phenomenon and emphasizes the need for inclusive and nuanced approaches in the fight against antisemitism, recognizing how it intersects with other forms of oppression. This approach not only helps in more effectively suppressing antisemitism but also strengthens broader efforts toward equality and justice for all.

Antisemitism and racism: Historically, antisemitism has often been racially motivated, as seen in Nazi ideology which considered Jews a distinct and inferior race. Today, antisemitism can be coupled with racism in contexts where Jews are viewed through a racial lens or when antisemitic rhetoric is used alongside broader racist ideologies.

Antisemitism and Islamophobia: In some cases, antisemitism and Islamophobia overlap, especially in contexts where both Jews and Muslims are targets of the same groups or ideologies. This can be seen in far-right movements that promote a broader xenophobic agenda against both Jews and Muslims.

Antisemitism and sexism: Antisemitism can also overlap with sexism, particularly in the way Jewish women are stereotyped or targeted. For example, Jewish women may experience unique forms of misogyny tied to their religious or ethnic identity, such as stereotypes of being overly controlling or manipulative.

Antisemitism and homophobia: LGBTQ+ Jews may experience discrimination both because of their sexual orientation or gender identity and because of their Jewish identity. In some cases, antisemitic tropes are used to undermine or attack LGBTQ+ identities, mixing homophobia with antisemitic narratives.

Antisemitism and anti-Zionism: While criticism of Israel’s policies is not inherently antisemitic, anti-Zionism can be coupled with antisemitism when it crosses into the demonization or delegitimization of Jews as a whole. This intersection becomes particularly complex in political discourse, where legitimate criticism of Israel can sometimes cross into broader antisemitic rhetoric.

Antisemitism and antigypsyism: These two historically rooted forms of hatred, characteristic of the European cultural milieu and heritage, rely on dehumanization, conspiracy theories, and scapegoating. Both have historically led to violence and social exclusion, and both groups were victims of genocide during the Nazi era, carried out by Nazi Germany and other fascist and ultra-nationalist regimes across the European continent. They need to be recognized and suppressed within the framework of the broader struggle against racism and discrimination, and the memory of the victims of the Holocaust and the Samudaripen (the genocide of the Roma) must be nurtured and defended against denial and distortion.

Antisemitism and anti-immigrant attitudes: Narratives about “population replacement” and “world lobbies” portray Jews as the alleged organizers of migration, and migrants as a threat to society. Such an intersection normalizes xenophobia, encourages stigmatization and violence against both groups, and legitimizes restrictive policies under the pretext of “security” or “cultural protection.”

By recognizing these overlaps and intersections, we can better understand the unique challenges faced by Jews who also belong to other (marginalized) groups. Also, an intersectional approach helps build coalitions and solidarity among different movements fighting against all forms of oppression, ensuring that antisemitism is treated within a broader social commitment to justice.

26. What Can I Do?

Countering antisemitism is not the task of Jews and the Jewish community, but must be a joint effort of all citizens in order to live in a democratic and safe social environment—in school, at work, on the street, and online.

The starting point and basic principle is that antisemitism must always be immediately, unequivocally, and in principle condemned whenever it appears. Developing competencies for a democratic society, primarily critical thinking, empathy, and tolerance, as well as media literacy, also prevents the emergence and spread of discriminatory behavior.

Countering antisemitism is of crucial importance for the survival and further development of Jewish communities, both in Serbia and in the world. Actively opposing antisemitism and working on its suppression not only protects our Jewish fellow citizens but contributes to the strengthening of a democratic and tolerant society and state, and also ennobles the personality and makes you a better person.

The best and most effective cure for antisemitism is education and overcoming prejudice. Every individual can be properly informed and adopt the knowledge and skills necessary for critical thinking, building democratic competencies, tolerance, and the prevention of antisemitism. Countering antisemitism is carried out through the exchange of knowledge and education, but also by reporting antisemitic actions and content to the competent authorities.

Here are some suggestions for what you can do:

Some of the answers to the question of what each of us can and should do in the fight against antisemitism are provided by the Global Guidelines for Countering Antisemitism, adopted in Buenos Aires on July 17, 2024. This document, the result of an agreement between state representatives, special envoys, and national coordinators dealing with antisemitism, in cooperation with international bodies, was supported by 32 countries, including the Republic of Serbia.

QUESTIONS

Who are the Jews?
What is antisemitism?
Antisemitism is the “canary in the coal mine”
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Definition of Antisemitism
The term antisemitism
How is antisemitism expressed?
How are victims of antisemitism affected?
Who are the antisemites?
Antisemitism through history
Antisemitism in Serbia
Stereotypical “traits” of Jews
How to recognize antisemitism – 3D: delegitimization, demonization, double standards?
Conspiracy theories
The coded language of antisemitism
Antisemitism and the internet
Antisemitism and Israel
Antisemitism and Zionism
Antisemitism and the Holocaust
Antisemitism and the misuse and distortion of Holocaust history
Antisemitism and the misuse of Nazi and fascist terms, images, and symbols
Holocaust memorialization and education on antisemitism
Antisemitism and Nationalism
Antisemitism and Islamism
Antisemitism after October 7
Antisemitism and Intersectionality
What can I do?

“ABC of Antisemitism” was developed with the support of the Federal Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany through the micro-grant programme of the European Practitioners Network against Antisemitism (EPNA).

1. Delegitimization

2. Demonization

3. Double Standards

Conclusion

Who are the Jews?

What is antisemitism?

Antisemitism is the “canary in the coal mine”

International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Definition of Antisemitism

The term antisemitism

How is antisemitism expressed?

How are victims of antisemitism affected?

Who are the antisemites?

Antisemitism through history

Antisemitism in Serbia

Stereotypical “traits” of Jews

How to recognize antisemitism – 3D: delegitimization, demonization, double standards?

Conspiracy theories

The coded language of antisemitism

Antisemitism and the internet

Antisemitism and Israel

Antisemitism and Zionism

Antisemitism and the Holocaust

Antisemitism and the misuse and distortion of Holocaust history

Antisemitism and the misuse of Nazi and fascist terms, images, and symbols

Holocaust memorialization and education on antisemitism

Antisemitism and Nationalism

Antisemitism and Islamism

Antisemitism after October 7

Antisemitism and Intersectionality

What can I do?